Children and Television Violence Essay -- Media Violent Children Psych

Children and Television Violence Through what they experience on television, children are forced into adulthood at too young of an age. The innocence of youth is lost when children stare endlessly at a screen displaying the horrors of murder, rape, assault, devastating fire, and other natural disasters. Although these are occurrences in everyday life, things adults have grown accustomed to hearing about, children do not have the maturity level to deal with these tragedies appropriately. Children's behavior changes because they become desensitized to the violence. There are many preventative techniques that can be applied to ensure that negativity on television will not interfere with a child's development.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Children see violent acts on television and make an attempt to process it, and in doing so, their innocence is lost. According to Dr. David Elkind, president emeritus, National Association for the Education of Young Children, ?Television forces children to accommodate a great deal and inhibits the assimilation of material. Consequently, the television child knows a great deal more than he or she can ever understand. This discrepancy between how much information children have and what they can process is the major stress of television.? (160) Children?s minds are not fully developed; therefore, they can not be expected to understand the violence on television.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The media, specifically television, has become more and more violent, in not all too subtle ways, exposing many children to behaviors not appropriate to a young audience. Remember ?the Menendez brothers, who ruthlessly shot their parents as they ate ice cream and watched TV in their family room, planted in children?s minds the worst possibility -- that a parent could die violently at the hands of a child.? (Medved, et. al. 243) Seeing the violence, hearing about it, watching news reports about violent acts committed by real people, especially other children, affects the viewer negatively. Children can not relate to what they see when they are so young, making the act of watching violent television extremely questionable. Children should not know about murder and rape; however according to Gloria Tristani, Commissioner for the Federal Communications Commission, by the time they finish elementary school, children have witnessed 8,000 murders and 100,000 acts of viol ence. (Tristani... ...ing violence on television, parents are helping to eliminate the desensitization that happens from witnessing such wrongdoing. Bibliography Black, Jay, and Jennings Bryant. Introduction to Media Communication. Iowa: Brown, 1995. Eisenstock, Bobbie, PhD., and Cathryn C. Borum. A Parent?s Guide to the TV Ratings and V-Chip.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Washington: Media, 1995. Elkind, David. The Hurried Child. Reading: Addison, 1981. Krcmar, Marina, and Patti M. Valkenburg. ?A Scale to Assess Children?s Moral Interpretations of   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Justified and Unjustified Violence and Its Repercussions.? Communication Research Oct.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  1999: 608-635. ?Lock-Out Blocks Media Violence and Provides internet Safety for Your Children.? Lock-Out! n.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  pag. 6 June 2000 . Medved, Diane, PhD., and Michael Medved. Saving Childhood. New York: HarperCollins, 1998. Medved, Michael. Hollywood VS. America. New York: HarperCollins, 1992. Nathanson, Ian. Telephone interview. 6 June 2000. Tristani, Gloria. ?Children and TV Violence Speech.? FCC 11 Feb. 1998: n. pag. 2 June 2002   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  .

Hypochondriasis as A Mental Disorder Essay -- Psychology Disease Illne

Hypochondriasis as A Mental Disorder Headache = Tumor. Cough = Tuberculosis. Mole = Skin Cancer. Such is the thought process of a hypochodriac. As defined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual-IV (DSM-IV), hypochondriasis is an unrealistic interpretation of one's bodily sensations as abnormal, leading to the fear and belief that one has a serious disease (1). This preoccupation with having a serious medical condition is one of the somatoform disorders and may be considered more as a symptom than a disease. In fact, hypochondriacal symptoms often appear as a part of other mental disorders, including forms of depression or schizophrenia (2). For this reason, a close investigation of hypochondriacal behavior is necessary to properly diagnose and treat patients. There are six major components usually associated with these patients: -Misinterpretation of physical symptoms to constitute a serious disease -Persistence of this misinterpretation, regardless of medical reassurance -Preoccupation of lesser intensity than a delusional disorder -Significant distress and social/occupational impairment because of this preoccupation -Disturbance duration of at least 6 months -The ruling out of other anxiety, somatoform, and/or major depressive disorders (3) It is important to note that, while the patient may not be suffering from any major disease, his/her perception of the symptoms is real. Additionally, while hypochondriacs may admit to being overly concerned, they will most likely remain dissatisfied until diagnosed with an illness. For this reason, many hypochondriacs will "shop" for doctors who will provide them with such an answer. The negative implications of this include a strain on the doctor-patient relationsh... ...olmi/chypo.htm 2)Intelihealth: Hypochondriasis , Comprehensive site on hypochondriasis, with material provided by Harvard Medical School http://www.intelihealth.com/IH/ihtIH?t=10773&p=~br,IHW|~st,8271|~r,WSIHW000|~b,*| 3)Recognizing Hypochondriasis in Primary Care, Report by professors from the Research College of Nursing regarding hypochondria, etiologic theories, forms of the disorder, etc. http://www.springnet.com/springnet_jump.htm 4)Hypochondriasis: A Fresh Outlook on Treatment, Article in the Psychiatric Times concerning treatment options for hypochondriacs http://www.mhsource.com/pt/p980768.jhtml?_requestid=335123 5)Psychiatry Matters: Hypochondriasis, basic site with definitions, symptom descriptions, treatments, etc. http://www.psychiatrymatters.md/International/Authfiles/Error.asp?404;http://www.psychiatrymatters.md/cdt24Aug2001/index.asp Hypochondriasis as A Mental Disorder Essay -- Psychology Disease Illne Hypochondriasis as A Mental Disorder Headache = Tumor. Cough = Tuberculosis. Mole = Skin Cancer. Such is the thought process of a hypochodriac. As defined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual-IV (DSM-IV), hypochondriasis is an unrealistic interpretation of one's bodily sensations as abnormal, leading to the fear and belief that one has a serious disease (1). This preoccupation with having a serious medical condition is one of the somatoform disorders and may be considered more as a symptom than a disease. In fact, hypochondriacal symptoms often appear as a part of other mental disorders, including forms of depression or schizophrenia (2). For this reason, a close investigation of hypochondriacal behavior is necessary to properly diagnose and treat patients. There are six major components usually associated with these patients: -Misinterpretation of physical symptoms to constitute a serious disease -Persistence of this misinterpretation, regardless of medical reassurance -Preoccupation of lesser intensity than a delusional disorder -Significant distress and social/occupational impairment because of this preoccupation -Disturbance duration of at least 6 months -The ruling out of other anxiety, somatoform, and/or major depressive disorders (3) It is important to note that, while the patient may not be suffering from any major disease, his/her perception of the symptoms is real. Additionally, while hypochondriacs may admit to being overly concerned, they will most likely remain dissatisfied until diagnosed with an illness. For this reason, many hypochondriacs will "shop" for doctors who will provide them with such an answer. The negative implications of this include a strain on the doctor-patient relationsh... ...olmi/chypo.htm 2)Intelihealth: Hypochondriasis , Comprehensive site on hypochondriasis, with material provided by Harvard Medical School http://www.intelihealth.com/IH/ihtIH?t=10773&p=~br,IHW|~st,8271|~r,WSIHW000|~b,*| 3)Recognizing Hypochondriasis in Primary Care, Report by professors from the Research College of Nursing regarding hypochondria, etiologic theories, forms of the disorder, etc. http://www.springnet.com/springnet_jump.htm 4)Hypochondriasis: A Fresh Outlook on Treatment, Article in the Psychiatric Times concerning treatment options for hypochondriacs http://www.mhsource.com/pt/p980768.jhtml?_requestid=335123 5)Psychiatry Matters: Hypochondriasis, basic site with definitions, symptom descriptions, treatments, etc. http://www.psychiatrymatters.md/International/Authfiles/Error.asp?404;http://www.psychiatrymatters.md/cdt24Aug2001/index.asp

Prevalence of One Party Rule in African States Essay

Africa, often known as the ‘Dark Continent’ rightfully occupies its place as the ‘Cradle of Civilization’ as the first humans have been known to originate from this continent of diverse ethnicities, tribes and clans. Since ancient times, the very nature of African society predicated formation of kingdoms and states centered on ethnicities and clans. Later, the advent of colonialism brought to Africa new forms of governance, which included democratization, socialism, communism and dictatorships. One enduring feature of African style of governance has been the prevalence of one party rule in most African countries. This paper examines why there is such a preference for such single party model of governance in Africa. To fully examine the subject, this paper shall first provide a historical overview of the progression of styles of governance in Africa and then examine the trends in major countries that make up the African continent. The paper will argue that the intrinsic nature of the African society and the effects of colonialism predispose them to following a one party rule. Historical Overview Africa is the world’s second largest continent both in terms of size and population and has 54 countries many of which are struggling democracies, a few communist regimes, and a number of authoritarian regimes bordering on dictatorship. Since ancient times, Africa had its indigenous systems of governance based on tribes and ethnic affinities. Africa also had great civilizations like the Egyptian civilization in 3300 B. C (Martin & O’Meara, 1995, p. 79). The earliest foreign influence came in 814 B. C. with the founding of Carthage in present day Tunisia under the Roman Empire which was followed by Persian domination of Egypt. In 332 B. C. , Alexander the Great replaced the Persian domination of Egypt and Roman rule continued in much of North Africa till the advent of Islam in the early 7th century (Martin & O’Meara, p. 99). In all these cases, the style of governance was centralized, as exercised by the emperor based in Rome or Persia through an appointed sovereign. The influence was limited mostly to North Africa, while the rest of Africa was considered too difficult to traverse due to thick jungles. Thus even in North Africa, from ancient times, the focus was on one –man rule and that more or less ‘conditioned’ the North African people to accept models of ‘uni-power’ in those times. Since the jungles were impassable and large number of tribes and ethnicities abounded, it was natural that rest of Africa had thousands of small kingdoms, states and at times independent nomadic tribes who dominated a particular territory. Each tribe had its own set of rules, customs, traditions and styles of governance, which again was predicated on the rule of one man or a tribal elder. The concept of Greek ‘city-state’ like democracy complete with a senate and an executive was non-existence. Over time, some of the tribes became more powerful and evolved into larger settled kingdoms that coalesced around similar ethnicities and language such as the Ghanaian empire that existed in 790-1076 A. D. followed by the Mali Empire from 1230 to 1600 A. D. (Martin & O’Meara, p. 70) The significant changes in style of governance came with the advent of colonialism. From the 18th century and by the late 19th century, most of Africa was divided up between the colonial powers; France, Britain, Portugal, Germany, Belgium, Spain, Italy and Netherlands. Under colonial rule, the African people had to undergo centralized rule of the colonial powers and the brutal suppression of any African revolt reinforced this submissiveness to a one-man rule. During the colonial period, the colonial powers brought with them their systems of governance, jurisprudence and legislation (Martin & O’Meara, p. 8). Colonialism lost its vigor in the early 20th century and by 1980, most ex-colonies in Africa gained independence. The former colonial powers before exiting from the continent tried to put into place systems of governance in ‘their own image’. Thus across Africa, a variety of ‘democratic’ systems took hold. Most of these ‘democratic systems were basically presidential forms of government, being the closest approximation to what they were used to both as per their pre-colonial experience and their colonial experience. The end of the Second World War gave rise to the Cold War and the Soviet Union tried to expand its influence in Africa also. This gave rise to numerous socialist-communist regimes in Africa that were opposed by the U. S. leading to proxy wars. Having examined the broad trends of the historical period of Africa till the advent of independence, the paper will now examine specific examples of how prevalence of one party rule exists in Africa. It is not intended to cover all 54 countries, but few sample countries that typify the various regions of Africa. For the ease of comprehension and brevity, Africa will be discussed under the heads North Africa, West Africa, East Africa, Central Africa and Southern Africa. North Africa North Africa because of its proximity to Asia had significant influence of Asian and Islamic traditions superimposed on ethnic African traditions and cultures. It is because of the spread of Islam in the 7th century, most of North Africa is Islamic. Islam, an egalitarian religion is considered as a complete body of work wherein all aspects of human life including politics and governance can be practiced through the Quran, the Holy book and the Hadith, the Islamic interpretation of Jurisprudence. Under Islamic law and Islamic political systems, an Islamic state is governed by a Caliph and where a Caliph no longer exists, then by a monarch or a ruler. Ideas such as secularism and democracy have very little congruence with the practice of political Islam. When such a system is overlaid over ancient tribal culture of a village head, it becomes natural that a state be ruled by a monarch or an authoritarian head and if not, the nearest approximation, a single grouping or party. Take for example, Egypt. Egypt, since ancient times was a land ruled by the Pharaohs, then the Persians, Greeks, Romans, Ottomans and the Arabs. In the colonial era, Egypt was ruled by Britain but the largely Islamic populace got independence from Britain in 1922 (Pateman & El-Hamamsy, 2003, p. 28). Egypt was initially a constitutional monarchy and had adopted the British parliamentary system of government but constant political interference from Britain led to internal turmoil that finally resulted in a military coup in 1952 (Pateman & El-Hamamsy, p. 28) in which the monarchy was overthrown and Egypt declared itself to be a Republic under General Muhammed Naquib. Colonel Gamal Abdel Nasser overthrew Naguib in 1954 to become the Egyptian President. Nasser, on assuming power banned all political parties and created a one party named the Liberation Rally to run the government. This move helped him consolidate his power and rule Egypt till his death in 1970 after which he was succeeded by Anwar El-Sadat, the vice President (Pateman & El-Hamamsy, p. 29). Sadat carried out political reforms and reverted to a multi-party system (Pateman & El-Hamamsy, p. 31); creating one of the parties called the National Democratic Party and remained the President till he was assassinated in 1981 by a group of Egyptian army officers during an army parade (Pateman & El-Hamamsy, p. 29). Sadat’s successor, Hosni Mubarak is still in office since 1981 and is the present leader of the National Democratic Party. Though by the Egyptian constitution, multi-party system is allowed, due to sustained state patronage, the National Democratic Party is the only party which has the necessary financial and political clout to win elections. There are other smaller parties that have virtually no chance of winning a single election and till to date Egypt is essentially ruled by a single party. Libya, a British colony was declared as a monarchy under King Idris in 1951 but was overthrown by a revolution led by Colonel Muammer al-Gaddafi in 1969 (Wright, 1981, p. 130) who has ruled the country ever since. Political parties were banned by Gaddafi in 1972 and the country is ruled by the ‘revolutionary leader’, Gaddafi aided by a Revolutionary Committee also called as the People’s Congress. Tunisia was a French protectorate that became independent in 1956 and adopted a Presidential form of government, copying the French model, except that it rapidly turned into an authoritarian police state where most ‘Presidents’ have been military personnel. The present incumbent, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali is a former military officer (Perkins, 2004, p. 7). On paper, political parties are allowed but in reality, it is only the President’s party, the Constitutional Democratic Rally that gets almost all the seats. The rest of the political parties are usually browbeaten into submission by the state’s security system and there is virtually no free press. The farcical nature of Tunisian ‘democracy’ can be gauged by the fact that in the 2009 presidential election, Ben Ali received 89. 62% votes to continue as the President (Lowe & Amara, 2009, p. 1). The ancient kingdom of Morocco, a French and Spanish Protectorate gained independence in 1956 as a constitutional monarchy, a system that continues till to date. Though the King of Morocco has a prime minister, a parliament and a multi-party system, the style of governance continues to be – rule by one man, the King (Forum, 2008, p. 49). West Africa In West Africa, the situation is slightly different. Here more than Islamic influence, it was the effect of local dynamics, ethnic rivalries, Christian missionaries and communist influence that has determined the preference for single party rule. Take for example Liberia, the only other country other than Ethiopia which has an American connection rather than a European past. Liberia was created through a private American enterprise to house freed African American slaves and became independent in 1847. Since, the project was American led; Liberia adopted a presidential form of system. However, the American backed Liberian elite who ruled the country came in conflict with 16 other indigenous ethnicities living in Liberia. Since the regime was thrust ‘top down’ from the Americans, tensions quickly developed and a coup by a group of ethnic military soldiers led by Samuel Doe took place in 1980. Doe replaced the presidential republic with his authoritarian regime. Political parties were allowed to exist but their freedom remained curtailed by the regime which furthered the hold of its own party, the National Democratic Party of Liberia. The 1985 election results in which the opposition Liberal Action Party won were declared invalid by Doe, which led to the Liberian Civil War in 1989. Doe was killed and the power passed into the hands of Charles Taylor (Moran, 2008, p. 106), who continued his dictatorial regime which again led to another civil war in 1999 that continued up to 2003 and only came to halt with Charles Taylor being forced into exile in Nigeria. From 1847 till 2003, Liberia was ruled by the Americo-Liberian elite and their single party. Since 2003, a transitional government was put into place with international intervention, which because of corruption was dissolved and fresh presidential elections were again held in 2005 and was won by Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the head of Unity Party who became the first woman President of an African country (Polgreen, 2005, p. 1). Nigeria got its independence from Britain in 1960 and had numerous political parties. These political parties were sharply defined along ethnic lines comprising of three main ethnicities; the Hausa, the Igbo and the Yoruba (Rotberg, 2007, p. 19). The Yoruba dominated Nigerian National Democratic Party won the elections in 1965, which led to political dissensions and instability resulting in two military coups in 1966. This did not resolve the problem as the Igbo, dominating the Eastern region of the country declared independence from Nigeria leading to the Nigerian civil war 1967-1970 that led to over a million deaths. The civil war ended but not the ethnic strife and the military continued to rule Nigeria with coups and assassination of the presidents being a regular feature. For thirty years, Nigeria continued under military rule till 1999 when it finally elected Lusegun Obasanjo, a former military dictator as its President. Obasanjo was re-elected in 2003 (Rotberg, p. 13) as the President amidst allegations of rigging. Obasanjo was replaced by Umaru YarAdua of the People’s Democratic Party in 2007 and on his demise now been replaced by Goodluck Jonathan (Nossiter, 2010, p. 1). So while the American model was adopted, the actual functioning of a presidential type of government has been a recent development in Nigeria’s history. At present there are two main parties in Nigeria, the ruling People’s Democratic Party and the opposition All Nigeria People’s Party with numerous smaller parties. What must be noted is that a democratic political system in Nigeria is still nascent and fragile and should ethnic differences arise again it will not be long that another military coup will take place in the interests of ‘national security’. Angola became independent in 1975 after having been a Portuguese colony from the 16th century. Angolan independence came right in middle of the Cold War where Soviet influence in Africa was rising. The independent country was immediately plunged into a civil war between the Soviet backed Communist MPLA faction and the American backed anti-communist UNITA rebels (Sheehan, Yong, & Lin, 2010, p. 38). The Angolan civil war continued for 27 years (Sheehan, Yong, & Lin, p. 43) till declaration of ceasefire in 2002 by which time over 500,000 people were killed. The ideological factions had an ethnic base too wherein the MPLA comprised basically Angolans of the Kimbundu clan and the UNITA, the Ovimbundu tribe. Presently, the Communist MPLA holds power in Angola. As can be deduced, this being a communist regime with no legitimacy, the concept of political parties in a democratic system does not apply. East Africa East Africa including the Horn of Africa portrays a region of extreme instability with a few deceptively stable nations. Sudan, the first country being analyzed, after gaining independence from Egypt and Britain in 1956, was gripped by a civil war till 1973 (Barker, 2008, p. 16). This civil war was basically because of ethnic differences between the people of Northern Sudan (Islamic of Arabic lineage) and Southern Sudan (non-Islamic of non-Arab lineage). While the civil war raged, Khartoum was ruled by the Sudanese military. A ceasefire in 1973 negotiated through granting autonomy to Southern Sudan kept the peace till 1983 when the military general, and the de-facto President, Nimeiry unilaterally decided to incorporate Southern Sudan into a federation. The civil war continued (Barker, p. 18), Nimeiry was ousted in 1983 and replaced by a democratic government under Prime Minister Al Sadig Al Mahdi which was not recognized by the Sudan’s People Liberation Army (SPLA) of Southern Sudan. Civil war continued anew. In 1989, Colonel Omar al-Bashir over threw Prime Minister Al Mahdi, abolished political parties and established an Islamic code on entire Sudan. Al-Bashir formed the Revolutionary Command Council for National Salvation and allied his group with National Islamic Front to consolidate Islamization of firstly, Northern Sudan and then the rest of the country. In the subsequent military action by the Sudanese army, the SPLA were defeated in Southern Sudan by 1994. Having achieved consolidation, Bashir dissolved the revolutionary council in 1993. In the 1996 election Bashir declared himself to be the only candidate eligible to run for President. All other political parties were disbanded and Bashir converted Sudan into an Islamic state with single party at its helm – the newly created National Congress Party (NCP). Meanwhile, Bashir unleashed a brutal war of suppression on the non-Arab ethnic minorities in the Darfur region using proxy militia known as the Janjaweed that has resulted in deaths of over 400,000 Darfuris (Kessler, 2005, p. 1) leading to an indictment of Al-Bashir by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and genocide. At the tip of the Horn of Africa lies the failed state of Somalia where no functional government exists. Somalia was never formally colonized by any power and had come under a variety of influences ranging from Islamic influence during the Ottoman Empire, Fascist influence under Mussolini’s Italy and then British military administration from 1941 that was replaced by the formation of a republic of Somalia in 1961 with a parliamentary form of government (Lewis, 2008, p. 33). This brief democratic interlude was shattered in 1969 when President Shermake was assassinated and replaced by a military government. The military created the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party in 1976 and ruled the nation till 1990. Meanwhile, various Islamic factions and clans grew in size and potency that overthrew the military government leading to a series of skirmishes through the period, 1990-1991. The long standing military dictator, Siad Barre was ousted in 1991 and President Ali Muhammed was installed, yet the civil war continued. The UN Security Council approved the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM) in 1992 that has since been replaced by UNOSOM II with no success. Presently, a Transitional Federal Government (Lewis, p. x)is the internationally recognized government of Somalia whose writ does not even run through the entire city of Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia. In the dismal narrative so far, Kenya appears to be a bright democratic spark in the African continent. After achieving independence from Britain in 1963, Kenya adopted a semi-presidential form of government albeit, with the peculiar African preference for single party rule. The Kenyan constitution mandated formation of only a single party in Kenya. Governments continued to be formed under the single party system until 1992 when electoral reforms were introduced to allow a multiparty system. The elections since then have been held in generally free and fair manner. The 2007 elections were marred by allegations of rigging in which the main opposition party, the Orange Democratic Freedom accused the ruling Party of National Unity for stealing the election. In the ensuing rioting, over 1000 Kenyans lost their lives (Raghavan, 2010, p. 1) and hundreds of thousands were displaced. Peace was restored through international mediation in 2008 and the country is presently being run by a grand coalition of members of both the parties under a new constitution (Raghavan, p. 1). Kenya’s relative stability is attributed to the British colonial era, where unlike the rest of Africa, the colonists set up educational institutions and government infrastructure. Also, unlike the other African countries, 78% of Kenyans are Christians while 10% are Muslims, 10% indigenous and the rest 2% are Asian immigrants (CIA World Factbook, 2010, p. 1). Central Africa In Central Africa, the Republic of Congo has been in the news for decades for all the wrong reasons. Congo received independence from France in 1960 and adopted the French presidential model of governance. However, the first President, Fulbert Youlou was ousted in 1963 by a military coup, which then installed a puppet civilian government (Rorison, 2008, p. 225) and also adopted communist ideology. In 1965, the Congo republic formally joined hands with the Soviet Union, firmly coming into the soviet bloc (Rorison, p. 226). This alignment did not bring about political stability as the original French democratic influence clashed with the ‘uni-power’ Soviet ideology leading to a series of coups and dictatorship under Denis Sassou. During his first spell of rule from 1979 to 1992, Sassou ruled Congo under a single party rule of the Congolese Labor Party (PCT) (Rorison, p. 227). When external pressures grew strong, he introduced multiparty system in 1990 and was defeated in the 1992 Presidential election. Sassou’s ouster led to a civil war between the supporters of Sassou and his competitor Pascal Lissouba. Sassou, a former colonel won the civil war and proclaimed himself as the President in 1997. In 2009, Sassou was sworn in for another seven-year period (Amnesty International, 2010, p. 1). In Congo’s case too, for most of its independent history, the country has been ruled by a single party and now despite a multi-party ‘democracy’ in place, the original political party, the PCT continues to rule the country. Southern Africa In Southern Africa, any discussion regarding Africa would remain incomplete without illustrating the case of Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe, originally Rhodesia became independent after a violent struggle with the British in 1980. Throughout the period, 1965-1979, the country was engulfed in a civil war between British government forces and the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) led by Robert Mugabe and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) led by Joshua Nkomo as also a number of smaller splinter groups (Raftopoulos & Mlambo, 2009, pp. 141-165). In the 1980 elections, Robert Mugabe won by a wide margin but fighting with opposing parties and groups continued. The two main parties the ZANU and ZAPU fought bitterly until 1988 when ceasefire was declared and the two parties merged into ZANU-PF thus starting Zimbabwe’s slide into single party dominated system (Raftopoulos & Mlambo, p. 179). Till to date the ZANU-PF has won every single election by force. Mugabe’s policies of throwing out the white farmers and forcibly occupying lands and giving it to the poor black resulted in economic sanctions by the West and a meltdown of the economy. Owing to his bad economic policies, hyperinflation struck the country and created political space for Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change to challenge him in the 2008 elections. The results were rigged but could not conclusively establish Tsvangirai’s claim of having won the elections. In September 2008, Mugabe maintained his power as the President by agreeing to share power with Tsvangirai who became the Prime Minister (Raftopoulos & Mlambo, p. xxxii). Yet again, the single party rule dominates Zimbabwe. Finally, a discussion of Africa would be incomplete without examining its most prosperous and advanced state – South Africa. In South Africa, the colonial power, the Dutch did not relinquish their hold over the country and continued in the form of Apartheid, which was once again predicated on the dominance of a single party – the White minority party thereby conditioning the people of South Africa to rule by a single party. However, the violent suppression of the minorities could not continue indefinitely and ever since 1961, when South Africa left the British Commonwealth (Berger, 2009, p. 166) the white minority National Party faced constant protest from the black majority for equality. Till 1993, the National Party had banned other political parties (Berger, p. 166) and it was only in the face of sustained international pressure and internal struggle by the black and colored populations that the ban was lifted in 1993 and the African National Congress (ANC) led by Nelson Mandela was allowed to participate in elections. In Mandela, the South Africans found a charismatic leader who exuded the moral authority and statesmanship, which promised to build a future for the suppressed races. Mandela delivered on his promises but also led to consolidation of the ANC as the only party of choice for the people of Africa. The National Party chose to merge with the ANC and this yet again showed the propensity of Africans to prefer single party rule. Conclusion In conclusion, it can be reiterated that analysis of all the regions of Africa shows a remarkable similarity of circumstances that seemed to have shaped their preference for single party rule. The ethnic make up into tribes and clans were at the most basic level, the building blocks for adhering to the instructions of the clan leader or village headman. This obedience in turn was further conditioned by brutal colonial rule, where the colonial masters used every suppressive means to keep the Africans submissive. Suppression and exploitation itself became the rallying point for the African clans to unite and fight for their independence. Since most of the colonial powers only exploited Africa and did not build institutions, the succeeding indigenous governments had no infrastructural back up to employ their people or give immediate succor; naturally, the people fell back to tribal and clan loyalties as rallying forces. Since these points of opposition had to be formed clandestinely, they became sort of secret societies that formed oligarchic groups to fight for independence. On attaining independence the basic dynamics of the groups did not change and they continued as a closed ‘in-group’, which only heightened social inequalities and strife broke out in most cases. As democratic institutions had not been allowed to mature under the colonial period, people tended to cluster around the ‘village headman’, in other words, any leader with some charisma and since one institution that always has a clearly defined leader is the army, most governments became victims of military takeovers. The populace conditioned by colonial repression now became victims of military repression. Military forces needed a ‘democratic fig leaf’ to govern nations and so they set up political parties which were then headed by serving or former military officers to perpetrate the rule of a single party in the states. Parts of Africa that had predominantly Islamic influence adopted Islamic laws, which ideologically are not compatible with democratic secularism. Therefore, these countries by default became ruled by a king or a dictator or by a single party. Where the Cold War intruded the African political space, communist regimes under laid by African tribalism became the dominant feature. In these cases, the political ideology required the rule of the state by a single party. Later, when communist regimes fell, the old habit of single party rule lingered on. Thus the assertion that there is prevalence of one party rule in African states is emphatically proved. However, as can be seen from the examples of African states discussed, the hold of one party system is slowly changing. Multiple parties are emerging as the African people are becoming more aware of the wider world through the process of globalization. They are also realizing the need for multiple choices for governance as a panacea against corruption and despotism. So while the one-party prevalence in Africa may seem predominant at the present, political evolution of the African polity is taking place that will, in time transform into a more inclusive political process across the continent. References Amnesty International. (2010). Congo (Republic of). Retrieved August 11, 2010, from http://www. unhcr. org/refworld/country,,,,COG,,4c03a835c,0. html Barker, G. (2008). Sudan. NY: Marshall Cavendish. Berger, I. (2009). South Africa in World History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. CIA World Factbook. (2010, August 3). Kenya. Retrieved August 11, 2010, from https://www. cia. gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ke. html Forum, A. P. (2008). An Audit of Police Oversight in Africa. Cape Town: African Minds. Kessler, G. (2005, April 27). State Dept. Defends Estimate Of Deaths in Darfur Conflict. Retrieved August 10, 2010, from Washington Post: http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/04/26/AR2005042601397. html Lewis, I. (2008). Understanding Somalia and Somaliland: Culture, History, Society. NY: Columbia University Press. Lowe, C. , & Amara, T. (2009, October 26). Tunisian President Wins Fifth Term in Office. Retrieved August 11, 2010, from Reuters: http://www. reuters. com/article/idUSTRE59P03M20091026 Martin, P. M. , & O’Meara, P. (1995). Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Moran, M. H. (2008). Liberia: The Violence of Democracy . Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. Nossiter, A. (2010, February 9). Nigerian Parliament Names Acting President. Retrieved August 11, 2010, from New York Times: http://www. nytimes. com/2010/02/10/world/africa/10nigeria. html Pateman, R. , & El-Hamamsy, S. (2003). Egypt. NY: Marshall Cavendish. Perkins, K. J. (2004). A History of Modern Tunisia . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Polgreen, L. (2005, November 12). In First for Africa, Woman Wins Election as President of Liberia. Retrieved August 10, 2010, from New York Times: http://www. nytimes. com/2005/11/12/international/africa/12liberia. html Raftopoulos, B. , & Mlambo, A. (2009). Becoming Zimbabwe: A History from the Pre-Colonial Period to 2008. Harare: Weaver Press. Raghavan, S. (2010, August 6). Kenyans Celebrate Approval of New Constitution. Retrieved August 10, 2010, from The Washington Post: http://www. washingtonpost. com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/08/05/AR2010080500525. html Rorison, S. (2008). Congo. Guilford: The Globe Pequot Press Inc. Rotberg, R. I. (2007). Nigeria: Elections and Continuing Challenges. NY: Council for Foreign Relations. Sheehan, S. , Yong, J. L. , & Lin, Y. J. (2010). Angola. NY: Marshall Cavendish. Wright, J. (1981). Libya: A Modern History. Beckenham: Croom Helm Ltd.

HIV sexual risk behaviors and perception of risk among college students: implications for planning interventions Essay

Final Project Proposal Introduction                   Since its discovery in 1983, scientists have worked tirelessly on determining the origins and biological mechanisms of the HIV virus. The gravity of the HIV virus cannot be understated as approximately 25 million people have contracted HIV and developed AIDS since the discovery of the virus. During the progression of knowledge surrounding the virus, statistical analysis of HIV related data displays regional, socioeconomic, and racial inconsistencies regarding HIV infection. From a global perspective, the discrepancies in HIV prevalence between wealthy and low income countries are unsettling to say the least. For instance, Sub-Saharan Africa accounts for approximately 2/3 of 34 million individuals currently living with the HIV virus. Superficial analysis of such statistics might invite one to presume that African sexuality must account for this large discrepancy, however, to develop a complete and nuanced understanding of the epidemic, it is important to delve into the specifics of resource allocation, gender inequalities, and access to adequate medical care. Similarly, a superficial analysis of HIV statistics might cause one to believe HIV epidemic largely affects only middle and low income countries and need not be extensively discussed within developed nations. Such lines of thinking fail to address the fact that international connectivity through economics and travel make the HIV virus capable of permeating national borders.                   Due to the international risk posed by the virus, it is crucial that scientist and policy makers from high, medium, and low income countries make a collective attempt to understand the root causes of HIV infection discrepancies. By understanding inconsistencies in HIV infection, one is then able to appropriately address the issues he or she has identified. What is important to note is that approaches to specific issues exacerbating HIV infection discrepancies may have to be altered for respective communities. In the same way ,one must understand factors accounting for HIV infection inconsistencies, one must similarly note that the nuances of a given community will significantly impact the efficacy of a prevention mechanism. Although the nuances of a given community may differ, we propose that the majority of root causes associated with increased risk of HIV infection are maintained irrespective of national borders. For the purposes of our research, we ho pe to analog the potential factors leading to increased risk of infection within African communities as well as marginalized subpopulations within the United States, specifically on the Williams College Campus. For all intents and purposes, the research we conduct at Williams College cannot wholly reflect all college campus environments, however, we anticipate that our research will provide an analytical and informative way of understanding increased risk of marginalized subpopulations.                   To ensure an indebt analysis, we will be discussing the role of gender dynamics in increasing an individual’s risk to HIV infection. Specifically, we aim to observe whether there is a correlation to gendered sexuality and increased risk behaviors. Utilizing the piece written by Patrica McFadden, we have come to understand the correlation between sexuality and power, and how the lacking focus on female sexuality has consequently limited their power. Given the previous statement, one can then presume that the inflation of male sexuality has drastically altered the power dynamic between the two sexes. Our research at Williams College will highlight possible restrictions on female students may disallow them from protecting themselves. For instance, a female student may not feel comfortable insisting upon contraceptive, and this inability to insist upon contraceptive significantly increases her likeliness of infection. Within a setting such as Williams College, one might inquire how an individual would not insist upon protection given the literature surrounding the HIV virus. To answer this question, one has to acknowledge that stigma and cultural surveillance are powerful deterrents to women taking the sexual initiative. The cultural reinforcement of passive female sexuality, thus the de facto male sexuality is dominant. Since only the male sexuality is acknowledged as dominant, the male will be considered the actor who ultimately initiates and determines the details of the sexual encounter. A potentially interesting point of inquiry would be to get an understanding of to what extents females and males on the Williams campus relate to typified gender sexualities. Results                   The survey was generally short and involved three questions. The first question that we asked was in regards to how many students that people think are infected with HIV/AIDS on campus. The choices available to the respondents were â€Å"there is no HIV/AIDS on campus†, â€Å"1 to 3 students†, â€Å"4 to 10 students†, â€Å"10 to 30 students† and â€Å"30+†. According to the results of the survey , Black Men answered that there were more than 4 cases of HIV/AIDS on this campus. Among all the groups involved in the survey ¸ Black Women were the only group to answer that they believed that over 30 students were infected by HIV/AIDS. On their part, white women were of the idea that there were less than 10 HIV/AIDS cases on campus. Neither White Men nor White Women answered that there were over 10 cases of HIV/AIDS, and comparatively no Black Women or Black Men answered that there was no presence of HIV/AIDS on campus.                   The second question that we asked was, â€Å"whose responsibility it was to bring the condom to a sexual encounter;† the choices were â€Å"both have an equal responsibility,† â€Å"you,† â€Å"your partner† or â€Å"neither has a responsibility†. According to the results of the survey, White Men was the only group that responded that it was their responsibility to bring the condom to the sexual encounter. On their part, black women responded that it was the duty of their partner.all the respondents were more likely to answer the choices where they have some sort of control . Black Men and Black Women believed that it was the man’s responsibility to bring the condom, whereas both White Men and White Women answered that it was their own responsibility to bring the condoms.                   The third question that the respondents were asked during the survey was ,â€Å"whose responsibility is it to insist on condom use† and the answer choices were the same as the second questions’. The most popular response among both black and whites was,â€Å"both have responsibilities,†.However the genders did align but they were different from each other. Black Women and White Women answered only with the choices where they had control of insisting on condom use. Black Women were 23% more likely than Black Men to answer that it was their responsibility to insist on condom use and White Women were 9% more likely than White Men to answer that it was their responsibility. Black Men was the only group to answer that it was their partner’s responsibility to insist on condom use.                   The fourth question that was asked during the survey was, â€Å"if you and a partner you just met are engaging in sexual activity and they do not want to use a condom, what do you do?† The answer choices were â€Å"insist on condom use while still engaging in non-penetrative sexual activities†, â€Å"Start off insisting on condom use but eventually give in to having unprotected sex†, â€Å"Outright refusal to engage in any further sexual activity unless they agree to use a condom† or â€Å"Have sex without a condom, no protest†. Black Women was the only group to refuse sex outright if their partner did not agree to use a condom and in general. Although White Women were most likely to insist on condom use, a large proportion of them also answered that they would refuse outright. Black Women were 40.25% more likely to refuse outright than Black Men and White Women were only 11.5% more likely than White Men to refuse outri ght.                   The fifth question was similar to the fourth question, but unlike in the fourth question, all groups answered that they would engage in unprotected sex. However, the majority of Black Men and Women and White Women still insisted on condom use – 56%, 64% and 63% respectively. White Men were the only group whose majority chose to have unprotected sex at 63%. Black Women and White Women had very similar percentages for insisting on having protected sex. However, Black Women was more likely than White Women to engage in unprotected sex, with no protest ,while White Women was more likely to start off insisting on condom use and eventually give in.                   The sixth question asked about how strongly the respondent felt that they had control and could voice their opinion in a sexual encounter, and a Likert Scale was used (1= Strongly Disagree to 5= Strongly Agree) to gauge the responses. All races felt very strongly that they had control and could voice their opinion in a sexual encounter, but Black Men and Black Women were the only groups to answer with 3, which indicates a neutral feeling. A significantly larger proportion of Black Women than White Women, 11.6% more, answered with the highest choice of 5, which indicates strongly agree. References 1. Jozkowsk, Kristen  N., and Sonya  A. Satinsky. â€Å"A Gender Discrepancy Analysis of Heterosexual Sexual Behaviors in Two University Samples.†Ã‚  (2013): Web. This source provided us with a experimental study exploring the sexual activities on a college campus. We may use this source to model out own experiment on a smaller scale, and this experiment similarly allows us to analyze sexual behaviors on other college campuses which may mirror Williams college. 2. Adefuye AS, Abiona TC, Balogun JA, Lukobo Durrell M: †Ã‚  HIV sexual risk behaviors and perception of risk among college students: implications for planning interventions. BMC Public Health  2009,  9:281. This source allows us to again follow a experimental model tracing high risk behaviors on college campuses around the nation. In an ideal world, we will see possible trends that we can use to draw analytic conclusions about gender dynamics. Before we can address race and gender, however, it is important that we understand the types of behaviors we need to watch for within our own studies. Another positive aspect of the source is that it delves into racial dynamics of the HIV infection. 3. Mathes, Eugene W. â€Å"Why is there a Strong Positive Correlation between Perpetration and being a Victim of Sexual Coercion? an Exploratory Study.†Ã‚  Journal of Family Violence  28.8 (2013): 783-96.  ProQuest.  Web. 10 Nov. 2013. When we discuss gender dynamics, it will be important to outline sexual coercion which may expose students to high risk behaviors. 4. Ahmed, Aziza. â€Å"Feminism, Power, and Sex Work in the Context of HIV/AIDS: Consequences for Women’s Health.† Harvard Journal of Law and Gender. 34:1 (2011) This article provides background surrounding the stifled sexuality of women around the globe and how this stifling of sexuality robs women of their presence within the sexual landscape. Without sexual freedom, women are unable to excise their power, thus, they may not have the voice to protect themselves sexually. We aim to observe whether this restriction can be observed on the Williams campus. Source document

Individual Moral Integrity In The Crucible Essay

Individual moral integrity and the lack thereof are illustrated by Arthur Miller in his play, The Crucible. The fear of witchcraft engulfs the Puritanical society thus creating a mob rule. The fate of the town depends upon the morals of its people. John Proctor and Reverend Hale are key players in condemning the Witch Trials; ruling the mob are Abigail, Judge Danforth, and their followers. Even though the trials were intended to end when Salem was cleansed of the alleged witchcraft, it remained the responsibility of the individual to ensure that the majority did not become completely overthrown by mass hysteria. The lack of moral integrity displayed by characters in the play causes a string of destructive events. Because of Reverend Paris’s sole concern of social acceptance and political power, the acts of Abigail and her followers go unpunished. This sends the town of Salem into a whirlwind of lies. A domino effect takes its toll as accusations multiply. Abigail, in the driver’s seat of the conspiracy, is granted a loyal following. This group lacks a respect for themselves and a respect for others. The townspeople and especially the girls caught dancing feed the mass conformity. As a result of blind conformity and weak morals, many friends and neighbors are cynically disowned and mercilessly executed. Judge Danforth, who is sentencing death upon many innocent victims, further illustrates a lack of individual moral integrity. He does not have the power to admit the mistakes he has made and admit the irrationality of the trials. â€Å"You will sign your name or it is no confession,† Danforth forcefully explains to John Proctor (142). Danforth will not budge even after Proctor has verbally admitted to â€Å"seeing the devil†. By this climactic point of the play, Reverend Hale has ended the alliance between himself and Danforth. He has now grasped the true motives behind the witch conspiracy. Hale, when he first enters the witch trials, believes all of it to be legitimate. He expresses a strong will in the hunt and a strong view of his morals. He is partially responsible for getting the entire cleansing proceedings under way. As the events of the town continue to pass, and the numbers of the accused continue to rise , Hale begins to reassess his opinion towards the trials. He objects to Judge Danforth, â€Å"We cannot blink  it any more. There is a prodigious fear of this court in the country† (98). Hale slowly begins his transformation from advocator to adversary. â€Å"Let you not mistake your duty as I mistook my own,† Hale says as he pleas with Goody Proctor in an effort to spare John Proctor’s life (132). It becomes clear to Hale the absurdity of the trials, and he is one of the first people to openly condemn the injustice. As a figure of authority, his opinion has a large impact on the public. In addition to Hale’s influence, John Proct or lets his moral integrity lead him in his reactions to the trials. Proctor is right in the heart of the tragedy. Because he is haunted by previous actions, a severe turn in the trials is needed to get him involved. After his wife is arrested for witchcraft, Proctor understands that he can no longer hide away on his farm. â€Å"Now Hell and Heaven grapple on our backs, and all our pretense is ripped away,† Proctor says to Mary Warren, while trying to convince her that they must go to the courts (80). He realizes the seriousness of the situation, and forfeits his own well being towards that of his wife. Still, it is ironic that Proctor has always viewed himself as one with low moral integrity. â€Å"My honesty is broke, Elizabeth; I am no good man,† says Proctor in his final conversation with his wife (136). However, the actions he takes in the finale are that of reverent nobility and moral integrity. His morals lead him to catch a glimpse of the big picture; he will not let the Salem witch trials conquer him as they did so many others. His decision to die an honest man frees him of the torment felt in his soul of being unfaithful to his wife and he can at last be at peace with himself. He lets it be known to the public, through his actions, that he has not had relations with the Devil, and that the witch hunt is completely in vain. In the play, The Crucible, individual moral integrity aids in the fortunate collapse of the insane Salem witch trials. John Proctor and Reverend Hale take a stand against the authority figures and let their morals shine through to the public eye. By proclaiming and bringing notice of the wrongs of society to the public, Proctor and Hale allow the mob rule to be stopped. Without the rebellious attitude of a certain few, more innocent victims would have been denied such fundamental rights as life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

Emotional Intelligence – Summary

February 10, 2013 ASMT W4b (R) ASMT W4b  (R) Why Emotional Intelligence Is Not Essential for Leadership C6 p. 171 Mitch McCrimmon, the author of â€Å"Why Emotional Intelligence Is Not Essential for Leadership†, presents an argument contrary to that of Daniel Goleman’s claim that leaders must be emotionally intelligent to be effective. He even ventures as far as calling Goleman’s theory harmful. â€Å"The bottom line is that emotional intelligence is more important for management than leadership† (Rowe, 2013, p. 172). McCrimmon begins his argument referencing great leaders like Martin Luther King, Mahatma Gandi, and Nelson Mandela.Each of these men has influenced others with their passion to eradicate unfairness. They convinced those who can make decisions to favor their ideas. â€Å"They aimed their cry at their respective governments and the population at large . . . but none of them managed the people responsible for making the policy changes that th ey were promoting† (Rowe, 2013, p. 172). They were bottom-up leaders. McCrimmon makes this point in order to simplify and redefine leadership to â€Å"the successful promotion of new directions† (Rowe, 2013, p. 172).This simplified definition of leadership allows for the promotion of better ideas in an environment where the leadership role shifts from person to person as ideas are developed. As justification for his new definition, McCrimmon claims that the traditional concept of leadership is founded within the confines of the managerial framework, not in those who lead outside of managerial roles. Returning to the topic of the article, the author contends that â€Å"emotional intelligence is critical for management, though not so for leadership† (Rowe, 2013, p. 174).From the beginning, emotional intelligence should have been associated with management, but â€Å"a scapegoat was needed to blame for the failure of Western businesses to cope with Japanese competi tion, and management was fingered for this role† (Rowe, 2013, p. 174). With management now the â€Å"bad guy†, emotional intelligence became associated with the â€Å"good guy† – leadership. Emotional intelligence has its place among management and only a situational role in leadership. It is important for executives and managers because they have many responsibilities involving the welfare of others.Managers need high emotional intelligence to succeed. However, creative and innovative non-managers, those wanting to challenge the status quo, do not need emotional intelligence in order to convince others of their ideas and be effective leaders. â€Å"The power to lead is increasingly knowledge based and is less about personality and character. Conversely, emotional intelligence is essential for all managerial roles† (Rowe, 2013, p. 175). McCrimmon concludes his argument with call for organizations to cultivate bottom-up leadership, especially organiz ations dependent on constant innovation. If potential leaders are told to keep quiet until they become emotionally intelligent, they may well say good-bye before they gain the necessary maturity† (Rowe, 2013, p. 175). He implores those in management positions to relinquish their monopolies on leadership in order to grow and encourage bottom-up leadership. Empower others to be leaders. References Rowe, G. , & Guerrero, L. (2013). Cases in leadership. (3rd ed. ). Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publishing.

Conceptual Framework Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Conceptual Framework - Assignment Example The IASB want to ensure that equity has first priority to common stock insolvency or liquidation. This is because in business, liability is the duty of an entity that emerge from past or previous events or transactions, the settlement that may lead to the use or transfer of assets, service provision or any other yielding profits or benefits in the future. It is also significant to note that liability differs from equity in the sense that any kind of borrowing from banks or individuals for enhancing a personal income or business, which is payable during both the long and short-term period (Klemstine 2009, 41-43). IASB understands that liability entails a responsibility or use to others that involve settlement by future use or transfer of assets, service provision and any transaction connected with producing economic profits or benefits at a determined time or specified time on either demand or occurrence of a certain event. While on the other hand, it recognizes that equity is the rem aining interest or claim of the junior investors in a company’s assets following the pay out of all liabilities. However, IASB wants it to be clear that in case a liability is more than an asset, it results to a negative equity. In addition, owners’ equity comprises of the total assets of the entire entity. This makes the equity to appear on the balance sheet because net assets would be attained via division of the total assets and all liabilities (Walther 2011, 97). Conceptual framework identifies a notable difference between the quantity of liabilities and assets (equity) exist in terms of interest rates reorganized in a given range of time. The international finance books wants a bank with a similar amount of liabilities as the assets in a given period means that the changes in its interest rates will not change the net interest margin. Such a bank thus has a balanced gap position. On the other hand, if the amount in assets re-price is higher than the liability re-p rice, then such a bank is an asset sensitive one. In contrast, a bank with less amount of asset re-pricing that liability re-price, then it is liability sensitive (Walter & Janich 2011, 78). In the current conceptual framework, uncertain may seem to play a significant role in the definition of liabilities and assets. The conceptual framework holds that the current definitions of liabilities and assets incorporate the idea that the future or forthcoming economic benefits must be anticipated. In addition, the current recognition criteria give details that a liability or an asset is identified if it is possible that any forthcoming economic benefit connected with the product will flow to or from the unit or entity. Additionally, the conceptual framework recognizes that in some rare situations, it is not clear whether a unit or an entity has a liability or an asset exists. The common example applied to determine the existence of uncertainty in the economy is litigation which shows wheth er an entity committed certain act and if it did so, obliges the entity or body to pay fines or damages. Liabilities involves various sorts of debts such as car loans, mortgages, or credit card debts and packaging them as bonds, collateralized mortgage obligations, or as pass-through securities.